Since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, YouTube has removed tens of thousands of Russian propaganda and pro-war videos. Still, the platform hasn’t entirely rid itself of this type of content. Channels with videos that praise the Russian government and the war in Ukraine are still accessible and boast hundreds of thousands of subscribers — and millions of views. Moreover, YouTube’s algorithm continues to recommend these videos to users. Meduza explains what’s happening with pro-Kremlin content on the world’s largest video-sharing platform.
Walking the line
YouTube frequently blocks channels that spread Russian propaganda, often citing systematic violations of platform rules and incitement of hatred. While the company hasn’t disclosed the number of affected channels, estimates suggest that the platform has removed more than 10,000 channels and several tens of thousands of videos.
Following Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, YouTube blocked the channels of Russian state-funded media outlets, including Russia Today, Sputnik, and RBC. It also began blocking vloggers who supported Russian government policies and justified the Kremlin’s war in Ukraine.
In response, Russian vloggers, government agencies, and major media outlets began migrating to Russian YouTube “alternatives” like Rutube and VKontakte’s VK Video — albeit with limited success. Even the Russian authorities admit that these platforms can’t yet compete with YouTube and predict that a fully-fledged competitor won’t emerge for at least another five years. Despite this, there are persistent rumors that the Google-owned service could be blocked in Russia at any moment.
Shortly after the February 2022 invasion, YouTube suspended monetization for Russian users but continued operating in Russia. In May 2022, then-CEO Susan Wojcicki stated that the platform remained in the country because the company wanted to “help citizens know what’s going on and have perspectives from the outside world.”
Since the start of the full-scale war, Russia has fined the company multiple times for things like blocking Russian users and refusing to remove content disapproved of by the authorities. By the end of April 2024, Russian media reported that there were more than 60,000 videos YouTube hadn’t removed despite Roskomnadzor’s demands.
However, this doesn’t mean that Google completely ignores the Russian authorities. The company regularly pays fines amounting to the equivalent of tens of millions of dollars. Recently, independent media reported that YouTube had also begun blocking Russian opposition content. On May 20, it was revealed that, at Roskomnadzor’s request, the platform had blocked videos on how to avoid military service, citing violations of Russia’s federal law “On information.” These videos were later partially restored: accessible via direct link but not searchable on the platform. At the time of writing, they were once again fully accessible.
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In early May, the human rights advocacy group OVD-Info received a warning their channel Kak Teper (What’s Going On) might soon be blocked. Dmitry Anisimov, OVD-Info’s spokesperson, told journalists from Agentstvo that this was “the first case in Russia where Roskomnadzor demanded the complete blocking of a channel, not just specific videos.” Reuters sent two inquiries to YouTube representatives about the channel, but they didn’t comment on the situation. As of the time of writing, the channel was still on the platform.
Hardly hidden
Despite YouTube’s efforts to block certain channels spreading Russian propaganda, many pro-war channels remain easily accessible and boast hundreds of thousands of subscribers. For instance, Empatia Manuchi, a channel with 1.7 million subscribers, provides a platform for Russian propagandists and pro-government figures to share their views on the war.
Launched in September 2019 by Vyacheslav Manucharov (an actor, TV host, and trusted Putin envoy in Russia’s recent presidential “elections”), Empatia Manuchi initially featured informal and generally banal interviews with celebrities. Over time, however, the tone became more serious. With the onset of the war, Manucharov himself changed. He started acting more concerned and contemplative, asking “difficult” questions and using every interview as an opportunity to talk about the “special military operation” and criticize people who left the country because of it.
Manucharov began inviting guests who fit this new agenda, including propagandists like RT editor-in-chief Margarita Simonyan, pro-government bloggers like Artemy Lebedev, and war-supporting artists like actor Ivan Okhlobystin. Russian ideologue Alexander Dugin was given a full two and a half hours for his episode.
The show’s format allows Manucharov to ask seemingly neutral questions, giving guests the opportunity to make propagandistic statements — one they eagerly take. For example, when asked whether it’s possible to build the “Russian world” with love and without cruelty or “cracking down,” Okhlobystin responded that Russia is facing a “cruel” enemy, making extreme measures unavoidable.
Shifting the focus to the war has helped expand the show’s audience. Before February 24, 2022, the channel had 90 videos, only seven of which surpassed one million views (though most had several hundred thousand). Of the 125 episodes released after February 24, 2022, 93 have more than one million views.
The Internet Development Institute (IDI), which funds the production of “patriotic” content, has supported Manucharov’s project since at least 2020. In the spring of 2023, a source familiar with the IDI’s grant application process told Meduza that Manucharov “regularly applies for and receives grants.”
Another openly pro-war YouTube channel, SVOi, features Russian combatants sharing their war experiences. Since its launch in February 2023, it’s already amassed half a million subscribers. A joint investigation by Meduza and iStories revealed that its content is also funded by the IRI. In June 2023, the channel was among 163 projects that received a combined total of 10 billion rubles ($112 million) for the production of “national content.”
Despite some less popular episodes, most videos garner several hundred thousand views. Three videos, including two interviews with Wagner Group mercenaries, have surpassed one million views. However, the channel hasn’t had much success on Rutube, where it has only 143 subscribers and its most successful video has fewer than 300 views.
Smaller YouTube channels also post Russian propaganda content, including interviews with “‘special military operation’ participants,” advice on what to bring to the combat zone, or patriotic shows. The channel ETO OT NAS features a “documentary series” about life in Ukraine’s Russian-occupied Donetsk region, patriotic songs, and even entire musical albums about the “special military operation.” Some of its videos have millions of views.
The glorification of Russian soldiers has become its own separate genre, with this type of content particularly prevalent on YouTube Shorts, a section of the website that features vertical videos under a minute long. Both private users and local media outlets share short videos of soldiers reuniting with their families or receiving awards for their participation in the war. These videos are extremely popular, with some getting millions of views and hundreds of thousands of likes.
Whether or not YouTube struggles to identify and block these videos, its algorithm has no trouble finding and promoting them. Some videos and channels discovered during the research for this article were recommended by the platform based on previously viewed content. This effect is even more pronounced in the Shorts section, where watching just a few similar clips results in more propaganda appearing in one’s main feed.
All of them?
Despite blocking most state-funded media, YouTube still hasn’t taken down several channels. For example, the pro-Kremlin tabloid Komsomolskaya Pravda’s channel, which had nearly two million subscribers, regularly posts military content, Putin’s speeches, and stories about war trophies.
Special Military Operation
The Kremlin’s euphemism for its full-scale war against Ukraine
Roskomnadzor
Russia's federal censorship agency
R