‘Georgians will not accept autocracy’: Former defense minister and diplomat Vasil Sikharulidze reflects on Georgia’s year-long political crisis
Protesters in Georgia have been taking to the streets for 364 straight days. On October 26, thousands joined an anti-government march in central Tbilisi marking the anniversary of the country’s disputed parliamentary vote, which saw the ruling party, Georgian Dream, declare victory despite reports of widespread fraud. The election controversy spiraled into a full-on political crisis late last November, when Georgian Dream froze the country’s E.U. membership bid. Anti-government demonstrations have persisted across Georgia ever since, despite a violent police response, new restrictive laws, and an ongoing crackdown targeting the political opposition, civil society groups, and independent media. To get an expert perspective on this year-long standoff, The Beet editor Eilish Hart sat down with Vasil Sikharulidze, Georgia’s former defense minister and former ambassador to the United States.
This interview took place on the sidelines of the 2025 Halifax International Security Forum on November 22. The following Q&A has been edited for length and clarity.
— How has the political situation in Georgia evolved over the past year?
— The situation has continued to deteriorate this year, with further backsliding of Georgia’s democratic institutions. We are witnessing the final phase of state capture, where the ruling party is systematically dismantling the remaining space for civil society and political parties. This has included a crackdown on civil society, democracy activists, and the NGO sector; pressure on political parties and opposition leaders; growing interference in the education system and some universities; and attempts to control the media and public discourse through intimidation and a Russian-style disinformation machine.
The response to public protests has been marked by terrible violence. Demonstrators were dragged into vans, beaten, and intimidated, and no one was held responsible. On the contrary, some policemen involved in these acts were even rewarded.
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We now have over 120 political prisoners, which for a country of 3.5 million is a staggering figure. The government continues to spread a mix of disinformation and conspiracy theories, including absurd claims that the West is trying to drag Georgia into the war [with Russia] and that Georgia is resisting a so-called “global war party” or “deep state.” Last year’s elections were widely considered not fair, leaving a big question mark over the results. And freezing Georgia’s E.U. integration — something that has always enjoyed overwhelming national consensus — triggered large-scale protests.
Despite the violence and intimidation, protests continue every day in downtown Tbilisi and other cities. People are demanding two basic things: freedom for political prisoners and free and fair elections. At the same time, the government is moving to ban major political parties and restrict voting rights for Georgians abroad. Overall, the situation is worsening, and Georgia is moving dangerously close to a Russian-style autocracy.
— You served as Georgia’s defense minister in the immediate aftermath of the 2008 war with Russia. What is it like for you to hear Georgian Dream’s rhetoric about the specter of war with Russia? Do you think there’s any real risk of Georgia getting dragged into such a war?
— Russia has always been a dangerous neighbor — an expansionist, openly revisionist, militarized regime that invades, occupies, and destabilizes countries around it to impose its will. It invaded Georgia in 2008 and continues to occupy 20 percent of our territory, and it has never stopped waging a hybrid war aimed at undermining the Georgian state. At its core, the Kremlin views freedom and democratic governance as existential threats to its authoritarian model, and it consistently works to erode them wherever they appear — especially in countries along its borders.
In this context, the absurd propaganda narrative pushed by the Georgian government that “the West is trying to drag Georgia into the war” is entirely in line with Russian propaganda. Russia is currently focused militarily on Ukraine, but it continues to pressure and weaken Georgia through hybrid means. And what the Russian regime truly benefits from is the backsliding of democracy, growing polarization, and the spread of Russian propaganda in Georgia.
— How has the European Union responded to the political crisis in Georgia?
— The European Union has been consistently and increasingly critical of the political situation in Georgia. Throughout the past year, E.U. institutions — especially the European Parliament — have issued numerous statements and resolutions that strongly condemn politically motivated detentions, the imprisonment of opposition figures and civil activists, the crackdown on civil society and independent media, and the broader democratic backsliding underway in the country.
Their assessment of Georgia’s most recent parliamentary elections was also unequivocal: the European Parliament concluded that the October 2024 elections were not fair, and that the process was incompatible with the standards expected of an E.U. candidate country. This aligns with the OSCE’s serious concerns about intimidation, an uneven playing field, and fundamental flaws in the electoral process.
We are also seeing targeted measures from E.U. member states. Several have begun imposing individual sanctions on those responsible for democratic backsliding, human rights violations, and the violent suppression of protesters — including officials linked to police brutality. At the political level, the E.U. has effectively frozen high-level engagement with the Georgian government. When the E.U. recently met with aspiring member states, Georgia was not invited — an unprecedented and very clear signal that Brussels no longer considers the current government aligned with the values and commitments required for E.U. integration.
This situation sends a powerful message, even if the ruling party tries to downplay it. Meanwhile, Georgia’s opposition parties and civil society actors continue to call for stronger measures to counter the government’s authoritarian trajectory and to support the democratic aspirations of the Georgian people.
— The United States, where you previously served as Georgia’s ambassador, seems noticeably absent from the Western response to this political crisis. Is the situation in Georgia on the Trump administration’s radar?
— For many years, Georgia was viewed in Washington as a reliable democratic partner — a country whose citizens consistently chose freedom and reform despite living under the pressure of Russian aggression. Russia’s hostility toward Georgia has always been about resisting the emergence of a democratic, Western-oriented state on its borders. And for a long time, Georgia’s trajectory toward democracy and Euro-Atlantic integration made it an important partner for the United States.
This context matters because the partnership with the United States has been critically important for Georgia’s independence, security, reforms, and development. Washington played a central role in supporting Georgia’s state-building, democratic transformation, defense capabilities, and overall resilience.
The U.S. administration has issued strong and explicit statements criticizing the arrest of political opponents, the targeting of civil-society actors, and the government’s handling of the political crisis. The State Department has described these actions as anti-democratic, noting that “you cannot win a democratic mandate by censoring your opponents or putting them in jail.” The United States has also imposed visa restrictions and sanctions on officials responsible for undermining democratic processes.
Today, U.S. engagement is more limited largely because Georgian Dream has chosen to distance the country from its traditional Western path. When a government reduces political cooperation with the West, it inevitably limits Washington’s ability — and willingness — to remain closely involved. The United States has made its position clear, but the relationship is far more restrained than in the past precisely because of the political path the Georgian Dream is taking the country.
— What is sustaining the anti-government protest movement in Georgia in the face of this ongoing crackdown?
— Quite simply, the protests are being sustained by the people themselves. Despite intimidation, violence, and mass detentions, Georgians continue to come out into the streets because they understand that the country’s future depends on defending democracy. These are not protests organized by a single party or leader; they are grassroots movements, driven by citizens from every walk of life — university professors and students, journalists and small business owners, artists, writers and doctors, workers and ordinary citizens from every part of the country.
Importantly, these protests have been non-stop, every single day, for a year now. Even in the face of over 120 political prisoners and thousands more hit with heavy fines or short-term imprisonment, people keep returning. Many of those who were detained and released go right back to the demonstrations. This persistence reflects something deeper: a broad national understanding that Georgia cannot survive or prosper as an autocracy, especially one increasingly shaped by Russian interests.
What sustains these protests is also a clear sense among Georgians that they will not accept a Russian-controlled autocracy. People see the consolidation of a Russian-style authoritarian system, the spread of Kremlin narratives, and the systematic dismantling of democratic institutions. They understand exactly where this trajectory leads — and they refuse to allow Georgia to be dragged back into Moscow’s orbit or stripped of its democratic future.
So even though the protests face harsh repression, they continue because they are rooted in society itself. There is strong public support, a shared sense of responsibility, and a clear conviction that the country’s freedom, identity, and European future are at stake — and must be defended.
— We’ve seen large-scale protests in Georgia going as far back as 2023, but the opposition has been unable to capitalize on this popular discontent against Georgian Dream. Now that we’re seeing this crackdown on the opposition, do you see any space for existing parties or a new political force to ride this wave?
— Yes, absolutely. Georgia is facing a serious political crisis, one of the most profound since independence. While the authoritarian environment severely restricts how opposition parties can operate, there is the main foundation for political alternatives, because the discontent is widespread and societal. In fact, there is the main foundation for political alternatives to emerge precisely because the public opposition to the current trajectory is so deep and extensive. The overwhelming majority of Georgians reject the path toward autocracy and want a democratic, European future.
The main challenge is that authoritarian systems deliberately suppress political organization. Many opposition leaders are in prison or under prosecution, parties face constant pressure or threats of being banned, and independent media and civil society are under attack. Under such conditions, it is extremely difficult for any political force — existing or new — to mobilize fully.
But the crucial point is that this crisis is driven by society, not just political elites. Many of today’s political prisoners are not professional politicians — they are journalists, writers, actors, and public figures. Mzia Amaglobeli, now a symbol of resistance, is a media professional who has consistently fought for freedom and democratic values. Her role in this movement reflects how broad, organic, and deeply rooted the demand for change has become.
Even if the government continues arresting activists, it cannot end the crisis, because its roots lie in society’s refusal to accept a Russian-style autocracy. Georgians have made it clear that they reject Russian influence and want to pursue a European and Euro-Atlantic integration path. People who spend days or weeks in jail return to [Tbilisi’s] Rustaveli Avenue and continue protesting. The demand for change is not manufactured — it is deeply embedded in the public consciousness.
And that is why the only real exit from this crisis is very clear: Georgia needs the release of all political prisoners and genuinely free, fair, and competitive elections. Nothing else can restore legitimacy or stability. The crisis now lives in the minds of millions of Georgians, and they will hit the streets as long as these core issues remain unresolved.
Interview by Eilish Hart