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Meet Artem Zhoga — a Donetsk ‘separatist’ turned Kremlin symbol of military men rising in the Russian government

Source: Meduza

This October, Russian President Vladimir Putin appointed Artem Zhoga, a veteran of Russia’s war in Ukraine, as the presidential envoy to the Ural Federal District. Zhoga began his military career with Russian proxy forces in Donbas, where he took over as commander of the Sparta Battalion after his son, the previous commander, was killed in combat. Then, he turned to politics. Now, the Kremlin aims to position him as a symbol of how “special military operation“ veterans and figures from occupied Ukrainian territories are being integrated into Russia’s “power vertical.” Meduza delved into Zhoga’s complicated past and spoke with Kremlin insiders to uncover Moscow’s plans for his future.

On the evening of October 2, former military commander Artem Zhoga was appointed as the presidential plenipotentiary envoy to Russia’s Ural Federal District. By October 4, he’d already met with the governors of the regions in his district, as well as his predecessor, Vladimir Yakushev.

Immediately after, Zhoga met with “comrades and fellow soldiers serving the Motherland in the Ural Federal District.” On October 7, he visited a local hospital to see Russian soldiers wounded in the war against Ukraine. Zhoga frequently makes a point of emphasizing his military roots, likening his new role to “active duty” where he’ll carry out “missions.”

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From Sparta to speaker

Artem Zhoga, now 49, was born in Russia’s Magadan region, but in the 1990s, his family moved to Sloviansk in Ukraine’s Donetsk region. After finishing school, he started a small business selling fish, and by the early 2010s, he owned several shops. When the war in Donbas broke out, Zhoga and his son, Vladimir, joined the pro-Russian separatists.

Vladimir soon became the personal assistant and driver to Arsen Pavlov, or “Motorola” — the infamous commander of the Sparta Battalion, a pro-Russian separatist force in Donetsk. After Pavlov’s assassination in 2016, Vladimir took command of the battalion, and Artem became its chief of staff. In 2022, during Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Vladimir was killed in combat, and Artem assumed leadership of Sparta. Shortly after, on May 9, 2022, President Vladimir Putin met with Artem to posthumously award his son the Hero of the Russian Federation medal.

The following year, Artem Zhoga transitioned into politics, put forward as one of United Russia’s top three candidates for the “parliamentary elections” in the self-proclaimed “Donetsk People’s Republic” (DNR). According to official results, United Russia secured 78.03 percent of the vote — and Zhoga became speaker of the “parliament.”

Kommersant reported that Denis Pushilin, the Russian-appointed head of the DNR, initially wanted his close ally Alexey Muratov for the position. However, sources close to the Kremlin told Meduza that Putin’s administration “strongly recommended” Zhoga for the role. “The push to promote figures from the ‘special military operation’ to high-ranking roles had already begun, but so far it was [just talk] — there needed to be concrete examples,” one source explained.

According to a Russian official currently working in occupied Donetsk, who spoke with Meduza on the condition of anonymity, Zhoga “didn’t spend much time actually working as speaker.” Indeed, in December 2023, Zhoga played a ceremonial role in Putin’s reelection campaign announcement and then went on to co-chair the formal campaign headquarters.

“He quickly became absorbed in the presidential campaign, constantly traveling and only occasionally chairing [DNR parliamentary] sessions. After the elections, he worked a bit, and then came summer vacation. So, there’s really no civilian experience to speak of,” the source told Meduza.

‘An ideal example’

As Meduza previously reported, Zhoga’s involvement in Putin’s campaign happened somewhat by chance. The Kremlin’s political team, led by Sergey Kiriyenko, wanted Putin to announce his candidacy during the opening of the Rossiya expo at Moscow’s VDNKh. However, Putin ultimately opted for a more militarized backdrop and used Zhoga to stage the announcement.

According to sources close to the Kremlin, one of Zhoga’s main backers at the time was Andrey Turchak, who was still serving as secretary of United Russia’s General Council. “Turchak was Zhoga’s biggest ally, though Zhoga also had a good relationship with the Kremlin’s political team — especially in the context of promoting military figures,” one source said. A source close to United Russia’s leadership confirmed this.

Meduza’s source in Donetsk said that Zhoga enjoyed the visibility and public recognition that came with the campaign, as well as the occasional chance to interact directly with Putin. This growing prominence, the source believes, began to spark envy in DNR leader Denis Pushilin, who may have seen Zhoga’s rising federal profile as a potential threat to his leadership.

“There wasn’t an outright conflict,” the source explained, “but Pushilin had his frustrations — he wanted a different parliament speaker. And then, suddenly, Zhoga had federal recognition.” Sensing the brewing tension, the Kremlin began looking for a new role for Zhoga, aiming to place him in a “prominent federal position,” the source claimed. Though what that would be wasn’t immediately clear.

Sources close to the Kremlin and United Russia described Zhoga’s appointment as envoy to the Ural Federal District as “largely circumstantial.” Vladimir Yakushev, who’d held the role since 2020, was moved into the positions of first deputy speaker of Russia’s Federation Council and acting secretary of United Russia’s General Council, a role previously held by Andrey Turchak. “If Turchak hadn’t fallen out of favor and been sent to Altai, there wouldn’t have been a need to find a new head of [United Russia’s] General Council. And if the choice hadn’t fallen on Yakushev, the envoy position wouldn’t have opened up,” one source explained.

Initially, several other candidates were considered for the position. However, the Kremlin’s political team ultimately chose Zhoga to highlight the promotion of military figures into prominent civilian roles. “The main objective was to demonstrate that the career advancement system for military personnel is working,” a source close to the presidential administration explained. “That’s the focus right now. Zhoga is an ideal example when people ask: Who among the military has risen through the ranks?”

Shortly after his appointment, the Kremlin’s political team sent Russian propagandists “guidelines” on how to frame the news. (Meduza has a copy of the document.) The briefing describes Zhoga’s appointment as “symbolic in nature” and emphasizes his participation in Putin’s presidential campaign, as well as his independence from the “so-called elites.” It states: “[Artem Zhoga’s] appointment as presidential envoy to a federal district is a clear signal of the special consideration given […] to veterans of the special military operation, and, in Zhoga’s case, to Donbas as well.”

Propagandists were also instructed to highlight Zhoga’s “combat experience,” frame it as a key asset in helping him “effectively manage his new role in the strategically important federal district,” and emphasize that the new envoy is “capable of tackling any challenge.”

‘More of a figurehead’

All of Meduza's sources — from those close to the presidential administration to two former officials who worked in the Urals — are confident that Zhoga’s appointment is unlikely to cause major disruption, despite his lack of substantial civilian experience. “In many regions, the envoy is more of a figurehead, and this role seems like a perfect fit for Zhoga,” one source remarked.

However, sources also stressed that Zhoga’s predecessor, Vladimir Yakushev, is a “strong figure.” “He’s one of [Moscow Mayor Sergey] Sobyanin’s people, from the Tyumen group. Most of the governors in the district come from the same circle. In this kind of situation, the envoy acts as a senior colleague for them. But an outsider won’t be able to play that role,” explained one Ural official.

A source close to the presidential administration says that, at least for now, Zhoga will have support from his predecessor. Reportedly, Yakushev will oversee the political matters in the district, while the “veteran of the special military operation” will focus on “supporting military and defense enterprises, of which there are many in the region.”

Zhoga will also have his own team in place. Local media outlets report that his aides, Alexander Kostin and Zhanna Ryabukha, have already arrived in the region. Kostin will handle media relations, while Ryabukha serves as Zhoga’s personal assistant. A source close to Putin’s administration confirmed that both Kostin and Ryabukha are part of Zhoga’s “personal entourage.” However, he didn’t rule out the possibility that the Kremlin’s political team may assign Zhoga an “experienced advisor,” potentially a political strategist or a former or current vice governor specializing in domestic policy.

 “Zhoga might need someone like that to guide him through politics,” the source explained. “But that’s something for the future — you never know, there could be conflicts or misunderstandings [with governors]. The main thing is that we now have a military plenipotentiary envoy.”