A new kind of ‘foreign agent’ Russian journalists risk a dreaded designation for reporting on army hazing, space-agency corruption, and much more. Felony liability looms, as well.
In July, the Federal Security Service (FSB) published a draft order outlining what kinds of information could be used to “threaten the security of the Russian Federation.” This document is also meant to explain in which circumstances Russian citizens and foreign nationals are expected to self-report to the Justice Ministry and register as “foreign agents.” Failure to comply with these rules risks felony charges. Meduza breaks down what’s required here and what’s at stake for potential “foreign agents.”
What kind of journalism makes you a ‘foreign agent’?
The FSB’s order lays out regulations and enforcement measures to accompany recently adopted amendments to the “Dima Yakovlev law.” These changes significantly broadened the grounds for designating individuals as “foreign agents.” As a result, anyone carrying out political activities for a “foreign source” or gathering information on Russia’s military and military-technical activities that could potentially, “if obtained by a foreign source,” be used to undermine the country’s security is at risk of being labeled a “foreign agent.”
The law itself features only a detailed description of what constitutes “political activity.” The list of military and military-technical information that’s critical for national security was left up to the FSB. The agency came up with a 61-point list that covers a broad range of topics, including the locations of specific military units, weapons depots, and even forecasts regarding Russia’s military-political outlook. The list also includes information about the “moral and psychological climate among the armed forces.” Notably, this includes reporting on military hazing.
In addition to focusing on information regarding the army, the Secret Service (the FSO), the Foreign Intelligence Service, and the FSB, much attention is paid to Russia’s space agency (Roscosmos) — particularly to information about its special programs, funding for research, and even about problems hindering its development. Any journalist reporting on these topics must avoid revealing anything that qualifies as a state secret, lest they be charged with espionage.
So what can you research safely?
The FSB’s order leaves some room for exceptions, highlighting information that people can collect and distribute without the need to register as a “foreign agent.” These exceptions apply to publicly accessible information concerning:
- The networks and means of communication used in the armed forces, including phone numbers;
- The combat capabilities and technical details of military equipment;
- The manufacturer’s evaluation of the quality of Russian weapons and machines, as well as their combat capabilities;
- The results and potential of the rocket and space industry;
- International partnership programs related to space exploration;
- The import and export of space technology.
With the permission of the FSB and the Investigative Committee, you’re also free to report information about crimes and preliminary investigations conducted by FSB investigators and the Investigative Committee’s military detectives.
However, collecting any other information mentioned in the FSB’s new order could be prosecuted as a felony offense — even if it’s publicly available.
A felony? On what grounds?
Anyone collecting information specified in the FSB’s order must identify themself to the Justice Ministry as a “foreign agent.” Failure to do so is a crime. Admittedly, there is one, much more crucial condition for felony prosecution: there needs to be a “foreign source” that incentivized the individual in question to collect this information. The law uses the word pooshchryat (to abet or incite) because this applies not only to direct funding, but also to any kind of organizational or logistical assistance or other “stimuli.” Since these terms aren’t defined in the law, it will be up to the courts to work out a definition.
The fact is that any “foreign agent” — whether it’s someone involved in political activity (as defined by the Russian authorities) or someone gathering information on the military — is obliged to register themselves with the Justice Ministry of their own accord. That said, the punishments for those who fail to comply vary: the former risks misdemeanor charges, while the latter is considered a felony automatically.
Who will this affect?
To complicate matters further, the law implies that “foreign agents” can act indirectly — via Russian citizens or legal entities. In such cases, it’s unclear how potential “agents” are supposed to know whether or not they’re expected to register themselves with the Justice Ministry.
This muddy definition implies that all kinds of people interested in Russia’s military or space activities could find themselves in trouble — including bloggers, researchers, experts, Russian journalists, and foreign journalists not accredited by the Russian Foreign Ministry. In actuality, just about anyone interested in military topics or space could potentially break this law.
The law also extends to citizens of other countries who travel to Russia to gather information on the military with the support of “foreign sources.” They would face punishment if they failed to report their arrival to the Ministry of Justice.
There are very few clear exceptions:
- Diplomats, representatives of foreign government bodies, and international organizations in Russia by official invitation;
- Foreign journalists accredited by the Russian Foreign Ministry (the authorities can still deem them “foreign agents,” but they are exempt from having to self-register);
- Journalists and outlets already recognized as “foreign agents” (they have to follow separate rules with corresponding punishments for non-compliance).
Text by Denis Dmitriev
Translation by Nikita Buchko
The Dima Yakovlev law
Adopted in 2012 in retaliation against the U.S. Magnitsky Act, the Dima Yakovlev law bans all U.S. citizens from adopting children in Russia. Officially called the law “on measures against individuals involved in violations of fundamental human rights and freedoms and Russian citizens’ rights and freedoms,” it provides a number of restrictions for U.S. citizens in Russia. It was named the “Dima Yakovlev law” after a Russian child who was adopted by U.S. citizens and died due to parental negligence in 2008. The ECHR has deemed the law discriminatory.
What does this mean?
The Russian authorities equate this concept with foreign governments, foreign government agencies, international or foreign organizations, foreign citizens, and stateless persons.
The definition
Article 2 of the law defines “political activity” as organizing public events like protest marches, working for an electoral campaign, and financing activities of this sort. The law does not define political activity as work in science, culture, healthcare, or other such fields.
Military information
The list of military information covered by the law includes reports on troop readiness, training protocols, equipment, and general conditions. Researching operational aspects of the armed forces is also included — such as logistics, supplier information, and the military’s investment needs. There are a few narrow exceptions for information in the public domain and information that the government has already made public.
Military-technical information
This list deals specifically with the technical and technological aspects of the Russian military, such as information on experimental weapons, details about weapon manufacturing, and knowledge about Russian rocketry. There are many points regarding Roscosmos specifically; the list even includes information about developing nuclear power in space. It also mentions a few exceptions for information that’s already in the public domain.